By KELIN DILLON Following days of contention between members of Mexico’s Va por México electoral alliance surrounding the Party of Institutional Revolution’s (PRI) proposal to expand the influence of the Mexican Armed forces in the streets — a move made in collaboration with the in-power National Regeneration Movement (Morena), the very party that Va por México was created to defeat
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By KELIN DILLON When Mexico’s Va por México Alliance – a coalition of the nation’s once-dominate Party of Institutional Revolution (PRI), conservative National Action Party (PAN) and left-leaning Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) – was once touted as a collaborative solution to the modern prominence of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) National Regeneration Movement (Morena) upon its
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OPINION By RICARDO CASTILLO The dust from Mexico’s June 5 gubernatorial elections has not yet settled, but the government’s political opponents are all set for the next round with President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) and his leftist National Regeneration Movement (Morena). Last week, the opposition Va por México coalition — composed of the conservative National Action Party (PAN), the
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OPINION By RICARDO CASTILLO In the eyes of some pundits, the current trend in Mexican elections is the result of a democratic procedure, but for others, the imminent results of the country’s midterm elections on Sunday, June 5, is an ominous path to a return of a one-party system. If all current forecasts are correct, the “awesome threesome” political coalition
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OPINION By RICARDO CASTILLO These days, the political gossip churners in Mexico have a new favorite target: Federal Deputy Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas, alias “Alito” (short for Alejandro), who is the both the current president of the once-mighty Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, which ruled the country without interruptions from 1929 to 2000), and the leader of the remaining 70 PRI deputies in
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By ALEJANDRO ENVILA FISHER The future of Mexico’s centralist National Institutional Party (PRI) will be contingent to a single concept: loyalty. The PRI lost all the governorships in its power in June for two reasons: the depth of its discredit (derived more from its arrogance than from the failure of the governments it led), and the lack of loyalty of
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By KELIN DILLON Mexico’s Attorney General (FGR), via its Office of the Special Prosecutor for Electoral Crimes (FEDE), announced it was opening an investigation into alleged electoral crimes committed by two current candidates for the governorship of the conservative state of Nuevo León, Adrián de la Garza of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and Samuel García of the Citizens’ Movement.
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By KYLIE MADRY Residents of the Mexican states of Hidalgo and Coahuila trekked to the polls on Sunday, Oct. 18, after the planned July elections were pushed back due to the covid-19 pandemic. Around 50,000 cast their vote Sunday – wearing required face masks – according to the National Electoral Institute (INE), totaling just over 40 percent turnout of eligible
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By RICARDO CASTILLO A Divided Women’s Movement On the eve of Mexico’s March 9 feminist work stoppage by all the women who want to participate, the cadre of invisible “collectives” have been joined by an apparent “fifth column,” the anti-abortionists, who now claim that this movement “underrates” women. (In military terminology, a fifth column is an infiltration of enemy troops
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By RICARDO CASTILLO Just in case anyone still had any doubts, the old Mexican political system embedded in the once-governing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) seems to be composed not only of a pack of thieving scoundrels, but also of cowards. The reaction of some of the leading members of whatever is left of the PRI to the arrest earlier this
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